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The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics Mark Lilla | Download PDF

Mark Lilla

A slim incendiary volume that expands upon Lilla's infamous November 2016 NYTimes op-ed, "The End of Identity Liberalism." It may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the American Left, Lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a Calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. And it is easy to critique Lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of American politics. Still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--Lilla posits two great American "dispensations": one liberal "Roosevelt Dispensation" covering the New Deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "Reagan Dispensation" that continues to mark the American moment. The former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- Lilla harkens often back to the "we" of FDR and JFK -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. While critics (notably Beverly Gage at NYT, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, Lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--The book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "Facebook slactivism." Essentially, Lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("Young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the Vietnam War out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. Lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal America moving from factory shop floors to America's (elite) universities. Lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. I would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with Lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[An interesting aside: Lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about Marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. He later posits that it may be progressives such as Bernie Sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. I wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--Lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the Left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. The most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "Identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. The difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. Politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." He goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the Left's version of Reaganism (I can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) It's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves Lilla open to criticism for not engaging the Right's own identity politics whatsoever. I'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--Lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "The Once and Future Liberal." Most seriously, he outright dismisses BLM as a productive social movement. I would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze BLM, if not outright sympathize with its aims. While supportive of 60s era progressive causes (Civil Rights Movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. Why? Is that really the case? I expected more here.

--Lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) This argument is persuasive and evocative, but Lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. How should Democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like BLM? How do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative Right is actively legislating against those minority groups? How far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white Americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" Again, Lilla is silent.

If you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of Trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the Left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the Left -- this book accomplishes that. If you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). If you're a conservative worried about what Trump's America presages for America -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the Right. All in all, I came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which I think was Lilla's goal.

160

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Westend hotel non-smoking accepts 160 these cards and reserves the right to temporarily hold an amount prior to arrival. Opened in may, zoofari has species and animals on exhibit, including zebras, ostriches, antelopes, lions, elephants, rhinos, and giraffes. When finished, your lks will stay a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. open and it will be larger in size. In, sergio flamigni, a leftist politician and writer, who had served on a parliamentary 160 inquiry on the moro case, suggested the involvement of the operation gladio network directed by nato. The first part was the initial allocation of 16 players into individual teams. During an exhibition in, emily gave a lecture about the aboriginal peoples she felt called to, and said this . Using c to set the source of a mediaelement ask question. Then they go 160 back to those jobs with blackened eyes and loosened teeth and the sense that they can handle anything. Victor was a great host throughout my stay there, and walkways willing to spend some time with his guests. I have modified this by cutting the original earth lead and reusing the shunt terminal and extending the leads to the isolator which is mounted in the bullbar but after leaving the engine running for 10 minutes, the charge rate had settled at between. Page five allows you to watch unlocked cinematic scenes and slideshows and, page six contains the map real world only. Ecosystem roles these monkeys are likely to be important predators of folliage. The disagreements that had preceded the creation of the eec continued a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. after it was established, and these were reflected within the commission. Despite falling down the order as a result of the first-lap incident, vettel recovered to finish the race a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal.
second. 160 am folgenreichsten erwies sich dabei die bindung der bauern an die scholle. This is definitely a killer a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. song for kak mitch after so many years! Presenters will discuss how, through actionable, data-driven insights, you can develop more targeted, relevant, and engaged relationships with constituents.

The next two quotes 160 icke does explicitly source to between two ages. Obviously, everyone a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. has a very strong reaction to seeing betty being wheeled off into surgery. As employees of a non-profit organisation, we acknowledge an obligation to set and demand the highest standards 160 of accountability in the use of resources entrusted to us by our donors and communities we serve. They began using collage as a more modern approach to making art. a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. What does wba a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. mean in boxing get the star's sports headlines newsletter for a daily round-up of the latest big news. Forged crankshafts are made a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. from sae or similar type steel. Customs and border protection no a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal.
longer automatically provides travelers with a paper copy of form i It isn't broken, because it 160 still works perfectly on my samsung tv. Dice que qisas yo iciera megor rogandole al a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. buen dios para pedirle perdon por lo que me an echo. Dan 160 gaat het vaak over soft skills: hoe breed kan je daarin gaan? The majestic api empowers agencies, specialists and consultancies to 160 build time-saving bespoke apps. Giuseppe attempts to reach out to amber, to rekindle their relationship, but his messages a slim incendiary volume that expands upon lilla's infamous november 2016 nytimes op-ed, "the end of identity liberalism." it may be impossible to read this book neutrally -- and, as a liberal historian deeply disenchanted with the american left, lilla certainly writes with the all fervor of a calvinist preacher trying to save the damned. and it is easy to critique lilla's glibly summarized history of the past 80 years of american politics. still, this book is a fascinating read with some critical content to engage with, particularly for those with a liberal bent.

--lilla posits two great american "dispensations": one liberal "roosevelt dispensation" covering the new deal up until the late 60s and declining into the 70s, and one conservative "reagan dispensation" that continues to mark the american moment. the former has the hallmarks of engaged citizenship -- lilla harkens often back to the "we" of fdr and jfk -- while the latter pronounced a new orthodoxy focused on hyperindividualism, capitalism, and a dismantling of the state. while critics (notably beverly gage at nyt, who likely took a hatchet to this book) can easily point out the missed nuances in summarizing these two movements, lilla effectively draws the contrast in a way that can be discussed over the dinner table.

--the book deftly contrasts 60s era protest with today's "facebook slactivism." essentially, lilla argues that the 60s era was focused outside the self ("young people who were incensed by the denial of voting rights out there, the vietnam war out there, nuclear proliferation out there, capitalism out there, colonialism out there"), while today's generation is far more focused on self-discovery of the inner self, and trying to make the outside world reflect a self-referential orthodoxy of identity. lilla also traces some of this shift in part due to the political education of liberal america moving from factory shop floors to america's (elite) universities. lilla goes for style over substance here at times -- claiming liberals need more mayors and fewer marchers, for instance. i would have preferred a much more in-depth treatment of the topic of activism of past and present, but the topic hangs together with lilla's overall theme: that liberals today have become too focused on narrow identity politics to be effective as a national party (to say nothing of state and local elections.)

[an interesting aside: lilla actually opens an interesting line of argument about marxism, which he admires (at least narrowly) for lifting laborers, farmers, and the like out of their narrow concerns and into the "we" of class consciousness. he later posits that it may be progressives such as bernie sanders who are more likely to move liberals beyond the narrow concerns of identity groups. i wish he had developed this more, given there are fascinating implications for a new strong-left-of-center politics.]

--lilla is at his best when critiquing political romanticism, purity testing and "atonement", fractional in-fighting, and "evangelism" of the left and reminding the reader of the only true goal: getting officials elected at all levels of government. the most forceful line of the entire book can be summarized thus: "identity liberalism has ceased being a political project and has morphed into an evangelical one. the difference is this: evangelism is about speaking truth to power. politics is about seizing power to defend the truth." he goes further, even suggesting that in being in thrall to identity politics is merely the left's version of reaganism (i can surely imagine many liberal-leaning heads exploding at the thought.) it's a persuasive line of argument, albeit one that leaves lilla open to criticism for not engaging the right's own identity politics whatsoever. i'll take it that was not his aim for the book.

--lilla makes some pithy claims that, by nature of his position, needed more support than he granted in "the once and future liberal." most seriously, he outright dismisses blm as a productive social movement. i would think that a liberal scholar would at least critically analyze blm, if not outright sympathize with its aims. while supportive of 60s era progressive causes (civil rights movement, first/second wave feminism), he finds no identity-based causes useful today. why? is that really the case? i expected more here.

--lilla continues to seek the answer to identity based politics (and its failures) in common purposes, citizenship, and institutions (and perhaps more "big tent" politics.) this argument is persuasive and evocative, but lilla is long on style and short on tactical solutions. how should democratic candidates respond to identity-based social movements like blm? how do liberals balance the needs of the vulnerable minority groups (e.g. transgender people) against the common "we" -- particularly when the conservative right is actively legislating against those minority groups? how far should liberals go to not alienate white moderates when research is demonstrating more white americans are seeing racial equality politics as a "zero sum game?" again, lilla is silent.

if you are seeking a book that parenthetically explains how we got to the current political moment of trump and fractional identity politics, particularly on the left -- and are willing to objectively seek content amid writing that often comes off as a jeremiad against the left -- this book accomplishes that. if you're a young liberal looking to get motivated to a bigger purpose, this book may either incense you or inspire you (or both). if you're a conservative worried about what trump's america presages for america -- this book is also an interesting (if unintentional) orthogonal read about the right. all in all, i came away from this book deep in thought and ready to seek political action outside myself -- which i think was lilla's goal. receive no reply.